Response To Delegitimizers Starts From Within

We need a community-wide deliberation on the definition of 'delegitimization' and 'pro-Israel' that can shrink the former and expand the latter.

Mon, 05/02/2011
Special to the Jewish Week

The assault on Israel's legitimacy has taken the Jewish people by surprise and driven a wedge between Israelis and many Jewish communities. Commonly referred to as delegitimization, its aim is to negate the right of the Jewish people to self-determination and that of the State of Israel to exist. Yet like most challenges, this one also presents a new opportunity: to reconnect across the dividing lines in our communities and to reengage with Israel in new ways.

The delegitimization campaign thrives on gaps between Israel's myths and its complex realities. While the vast majority of Jews and non-Jews see the world in shades of grey, many representatives and friends of the State of Israel and diaspora Jewish communities seek to justify Israel's actions using a coherent narrative that has little room for dialectics or bandwidth for details, offering a clear picture of black-and-white.

Delegitimizers have understood the potential of this gap for their cause and seized on it. They realized that a call to dismantle Israel would keep them marginalized. Therefore, they focus their energy on Israel's policies. Using false logics and euphemisms, they single it out, delegitimize its existence, limit its ability to self-defense, and work to severely sanction it. This is how they have had impressive successes, and built inroads into liberal and progressive circles as well as into the Jewish community, who do not share their vision.

For example, the logic of the Boycotts Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) Movement argues that Jewish control of politics renders common ways of protest against Israel's policies ineffective. Therefore, only grass-roots coercion would force Israel to correct its ways. Hence, boycott Israel, divest from it or sanction it. Or, the call for the One State Solution, which purports to offer a democratic solution for Israelis and Palestinians in all of the area west of the Jordan River is, in effect, an attempt to eliminate the Jewish state by undermining the principle of two states for two people embodies in the Two State Solution.

Yet the greatest unexpected asset for the delegitimizers has been the growing distance between many among world Jewry and Israel, and the decline of Jewish communal institutions. Jews were often preached Israel's simplistic myths, such as the famous statement about a land without people for a people without a land, and were expected to extend unwavering political and financial commitment to the State of Israel. Meanwhile, a more sophisticated engagement with Israel was discouraged, and a nuanced understanding of Zionism, with all its dilemmas, complexities and even idiosyncrasies, was avoided.

All of the above is why delegitimization of Israel represents such an elusive challenge to our community. There are few delegitimizers who explicitly state their intentions. Most of them conceal their true motivation, and can only be exposed through deeper exploration of their logic or patterns of conduct. For example, they would demonize Israel, never offering a single context where Israel's actions could be understood, or advocate a return of Palestinians refugees to the area of the State of Israel, in order to reverse the Palestinian defeat in the 1948 War, which they initiated.

In addition, while delegitimization is a relentless assault on the right of all Jews to self-determine and is itself a modern form of anti-Semitism, its tactical focus on Israel's actions allows many to conveniently view it as Israel's problem, which can and should be resolved by a change in Israel's policies. And the delegitimizers put forth a narrative that embraces the ideals of human rights and international law, and strikes a chord with many Jews with liberal and progressive leanings. Hence, it should be no surprise that well-intentioned yet uninformed Jewish youth are repeatedly confused and co-opted by targeted and polished intellectual assaults on Israel, which they face on campus.

Therefore, the response to the delegitimization of Israel must start from within world Jewry. First, we need a community-wide deliberation on the definition of 'delegitimization' and 'pro-Israel' that can shrink the former and expand the latter. In order to succeed against de-legitimizers, those on the right will need to collaborate with groups and individuals that criticize Israeli policies but will fight any assault on its fundamental legitimacy; and those on the left will need to give Israel the benefit of the doubt, even when critical of its policies, and to establish clear red-lines with regards to their actions and associations. Such a debate is essential for forming an ideologically diverse coalition that will credibly and effectively confront the delegitimization of Israel.

Second, local leaderships, that possess nuanced knowledge of local culture and practices, are often most effective in facing attempts to delegitimize Israel in their own communities. For example, it is the collective leadership and wisdom of the community in Orange County, CA that has the highest prospects of diminishing the delegitimization campaign against Israel on UC Irvine campus. Therefore, Jewish institutions and the government of Israel will have to get used to a geographically spread and loosely coordinated response, which they cannot control, manage, or lead, but nonetheless will have to support. And in some cases, the most effective stance against delegitimization may come from those groups that are most critical of Israeli policies or Jewish establishment.

Third, we have an opportunity to direct the tension that presently exists around Israel in many Jewish communities into a reengagement with Zionism. This time, instead of myths we need a nuanced approach that fosters understanding of and compassion to the painful balancing act Israel plays with its identity, democracy, security, and prosperity.

Since its inception, Zionism has thrived between several different ideals of nationhood, peoplehood, religion and Tikun Olam. The individual richness of each of these ideals, as well as the tensions among them, have been a source of strength and an engine of exceptional creativity for nearly two centuries. Now, they can serve us well as we mobilize against delegitimization. Zionism is the unique creation of our people and an amalgamation of every Jewish voice and belief. Therefore, Zionism has something to offer every passionate Jew and serve to bridge the divide within our community.

Gidi Grinstein is the president of the Reut Institute, a Tel-Aviv based strategy group working to catalyze change on the most pressing issues in Israel and the Jewish world. Reut partnered with the American Jewish Committee on a conference last weekend in Washington on response to delegitimization.

 

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I write the following as an observant, yeshiva-educated, Jewish educator who made aliya to a country I deeply love...Delegitimization is a tactic with which the Jewish Zionist community should be deeply familiar, because many of our number have employed it against the Palestinians. Whether one agrees or not about whether THEIR claims are legitimate, it is an undeniable fact that major streams of Zionists thought have sought to undermine and negate the idea that there is a Palestinian people who have a right to self-determination in the land of Palestine. Competing narratives; competing delegitimization efforts.

The UN partition plan demonstrated that each narrative, along with the relevant facts on the ground, has sufficient claims that there could not be one state. We tried to claim that the Arab "rejection" of the partition plan somehow negated their claim, but it does not. Their narrative carries as much weight for the powers that be as it ever did - perhaps more. We tried to claim that our acceptance of the plan somehow bolstered our claim, reminiscent of the two mothers in the story of King Solomon and the baby. But it is not hard to see the acceptance of the partition as a mere strategic move with the ultimate goal of controlling all of the land. After all, we expanded the land we controlled at the end of both the War of Independence and the Six-Day war. And while the issue of who started this war or that war may be interesting and relevant to those who continue to subscribe to Israeli mythology, the truth is that these wars were also opportunities for adding valuable territory to a precariously small Jewish state.

Whatever perception there was about Jewish sincerity in accepting the partition has long since been destroyed by Israel's policies of annexation and settlement. I have a deep attachment to Judea and Samaria. I know my Tanakh and Jewish history. And I have dear friends who live in communities there. But the settlements completely undermine Israel's credibility as a state willing to abide by the world community's decision that there be two states for two peoples. If we accept partition, then why build communities on land that was to be the Palestinian state? If the issue is security, why put communities in hostile areas that require an even greater deployment of soldiers? While Israel may have uprooted settlements in Sinai and Gaza, I don't know anyone who thinks that this says anything about the ability or will to uproot the over 300,000 people living on territory that no other country recognizes Israel as having the right to settle.

I don't know what this means for long-term prospects in the region. I do know that we have made things immeasurably harder for ourselves, and that we are more than likely going to pay the price. We can all sense that the flow of world opinion and events is toward the Palestinians and away from Israel. But we are a paralyzed and divided Jewish people and Jewish state whose strategy seems to be waiting (hoping in some twisted way?) for the Palestinians, and the Arabs in general, to do something to delegitimize themselves and give back to us our status as the noble innocent victims.

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